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China’s Stakes in Venezuela and the Uncertain Future if Power Shifts in Caracas

China’s Stakes in Venezuela and the Uncertain Future if Power Shifts in Caracas

China has spent nearly two decades building a deep economic and strategic presence in Venezuela, a country rich in oil but battered by years of economic collapse, sanctions and political instability. As international pressure on President Nicolás Maduro intensifies and questions grow about how long his government can hold on, attention is turning to what Beijing stands to lose or potentially gain if there is a change of leadership in Caracas.

China’s most significant exposure in Venezuela lies in energy. Through state owned companies such as China National Petroleum Corporation, Beijing has invested heavily in oil production, joint ventures and infrastructure tied to crude exports. For years, Venezuela repaid Chinese loans with oil shipments, making the country one of China’s largest energy partners in Latin America. However, declining production, mismanagement and sanctions have sharply reduced output, weakening Venezuela’s ability to meet its obligations.

Beyond oil, China has financed large scale infrastructure projects including housing developments, power plants, transport systems and telecommunications networks. Many of these projects were backed by loans extended under oil for credit arrangements that once symbolized Beijing’s alternative development model, offering funding without the political conditions typically attached by Western lenders. While some projects delivered tangible benefits, others stalled or underperformed as Venezuela’s economy deteriorated.

China also holds financial exposure through unpaid loans that analysts estimate once exceeded sixty billion dollars. Although Beijing has quietly restructured or paused repayments in recent years, much of this debt remains unresolved. A political transition could complicate repayment even further, especially if a new government seeks to renegotiate contracts signed under Maduro or scrutinize past agreements.

The possibility of Maduro leaving power raises difficult questions for China’s regional strategy. Beijing has traditionally emphasized non interference and recognition of sitting governments, allowing it to maintain relations regardless of ideology. Yet a new leadership in Caracas might pivot toward the United States and international financial institutions, potentially reducing China’s influence and prioritizing transparency and restructuring over existing arrangements.

Recent actions by the United States have added another layer of uncertainty. Renewed enforcement of sanctions and warnings to foreign companies operating in Venezuela could limit China’s ability to protect its assets or expand its footprint. At the same time, Washington has signaled that sanctions relief could be possible under a political transition, which might reshape the investment landscape entirely.

For Beijing, the stakes extend beyond Venezuela itself. China has positioned Latin America as a key region for energy security, trade and diplomatic support. A loss of influence in Caracas could weaken that broader strategy and serve as a cautionary tale about the risks of deep engagement with politically fragile partners.

Still, China is likely to adapt rather than retreat. Even if Maduro exits, Beijing may seek to rebuild ties with any successor government, emphasizing pragmatism and mutual benefit. The future of China’s assets in Venezuela will depend less on ideology and more on whether stability, production and trust can be restored in a country desperate for recovery.